The first Arab Human Development Report, published in 2002, identified three major deficits in the Arab world: knowledge, freedom and women’s rights. The report noted that the most striking weakness in the Arab world is the lack of democratic governance. By and large, the transfer of political power through the ballot box is a rare phenomenon in the Arab world. The attitudes of Arab governments towards civil society ranged from opposition to manipulation to “freedom under surveillance”. Even when civil rights are enshrined in constitutions and laws, they are often violated or ignored in practice.

The fifth volume in the series of Arab Human Development Reports was released on 21 July 2009. Like the previous reports in the series, this report has also been prepared by a group of independent Arab scholars and intellectuals. The views of the authors are supplemented by an opinion poll conducted by four Arab countries—Kuwait, Lebanon, Morocco and the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The report reveals that since the publication of the first Arab Human Development Report in 2002, the region’s fault lines have deepened. It notes that the pathetic state of human development in the Arab world is due to the fragility of the region’s political, social, economic and environmental structures, its lack of people-centred development policies and its vulnerability to outside intervention.

The Arab Human Development Report 2009 focuses on human security in the context of the Arab world. Human security is defined as the material and moral foundation that secures lives, livelihoods and an acceptable quality of life for the majority of people. The report defines human security as “the liberation of human beings from those intense, extensive, prolonged and comprehensive threats to which their lives and freedom are vulnerable” (p. 17). Human security is a fundamental prerequisite for human development and is regarded as the “rearguard of human development”. Human security enables people to contain or avert threats to their lives, livelihoods and personal autonomy and dignity. Human security is inseparably linked to issues of human rights. It is increasingly in the focus of academic and political attention in the rapidly changing global scenario. A whole set of factors, including environmental pollution, large population shifts, global financial downturn, civil wars, spreading poverty, high unemployment rates, political repression by authoritarian governments, global terrorism and ethnic and sectarian conflicts, have seriously undermined human security.

The Arab Human Development Report 2009 notes that “Human security is a prerequisite for human development, and its widespread absence in Arab countries has held back their progress”. In the Arab world, the sweep of human insecurity is reflected in the impact of military occupation and armed conflict in Iraq, Sudan, Somalia and Palestine, in the suppression of political and cultural freedoms by authoritarian regimes, climate changes, high unemployment rates and the economic vulnerability of large numbers of people.

The report focuses on the following dimensions of human security in the context of Arab societies.

• Pressures on environmental resources
• The performance of the state in guaranteeing or undermining human security
• The personal insecurity of vulnerable groups
• Economic vulnerability, poverty and unemployment
• Food security and nutrition
• Health and human security
• The systemic insecurity of occupation and foreign military intervention

The Arab Human Development Report 2009 notes that “Human security is a prerequisite for human development, and its widespread absence in Arab countries has held back their progress”. In the Arab world, the sweep of human insecurity is reflected in the impact of military occupation and armed conflict in Iraq, Sudan, Somalia and Palestine, in the suppression of political and cultural freedoms by authoritarian regimes, climate changes, high unemployment rates and the economic vulnerability of large numbers of people.

The report points out that the Arab countries are faced with growing challenges that emanate from the environmental crisis, especially from dwindling natural resources, population pressures, water shortages, growing desertification and atmospheric pollution. A growing influx of people from villages and hamlets to cities in the Arab world is straining the existing infrastructure and creating cramped and unhealthy living conditions in many Arab countries. At present, more than 55 per cent of the Arab population resides in cities. This is expected to surpass 60 per cent by 2020. Young people (under 25 years of age) are the fastest growing segment of the population in the Arab region, comprising about 60 per cent of the population (p. 36).

Desertification is defined as “land degradation in arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid areas resulting from various factors, including climatic variations and human activities”. A United Nations Environment Programme study estimates that desert has swallowed up more than two-thirds (68.4 per cent) of total land area of the Arab region. The highest ratio of desert to total land area is in the Arabian Peninsula (89.6 per cent), followed by North Africa (77.7 per cent), the Nile Valley and the Horn of Africa (44.5 per cent). The ongoing process of desertification poses a serious threat to about a fifth of the total area (287 million square kilometers) of the Arab countries (p. 40).

The increasing use of chemical fertilizers, pesticides and horticultural and veterinary medical treatments have extensively contaminated water resources. The lack of access to clean water may lead to the spread of diseases such as dysentery among children and thereby affect school attendance and academic achievement. Large numbers of Arab women have to walk long distances and spend hours for fetching water. Water scarcity and pollution threaten agricultural output and food production. The region’s low self-sufficiency in staple foods is one of its most serious development gaps (p. 23).

A silver lining in the cloud is that levels of air pollution in Arab countries are among the lowest in the world. This is mainly due to the extremely slow pace of industrialization in the region. Even so, carbon dioxide emissions in North Africa and the Middle East are increasing at a faster rate than other regions in the world. Though Arab countries are among those that are the least responsible for global climate change, some Arab countries, particularly Egypt, Lebanon and Sudan, are likely to be the most affected by climate change. An increase in the earth’s temperature by three or four degrees would raise the sea level by approximately one metre, resulting in the flooding of 4,500 square kilometers of agricultural land in the Nile Delta, causing more than $35 billion in economic losses and giving rise to 6 million climate refugees in Egypt. In Sudan, climate change would reduce average rainfall by 5 per cent, leading to a substantial drop in agricultural production. Climate change would also reduce available water, especially in Morocco and Lebanon (pp. 48-49).

An increase in the earth’s temperature by three or four degrees would raise the sea level by approximately one metre, resulting in the flooding of 4,500 square kilometers of agricultural land in the Nile Delta, causing more than $35 billion in economic losses and giving rise to 6 million climate refugees in Egypt. In Sudan, climate change would reduce average rainfall by 5 per cent, leading to a substantial drop in agricultural production. Climate change would also reduce available water, especially in Morocco and Lebanon (pp. 48-49).

The report reveals that Arab states often contribute to the threat to human security in the region. The majority of Arab states have failed to introduce democratic governance and institutions, an equitable distribution of wealth and other resources in society and respect for cultural diversity. In many Arab countries, ethnic, religious, sectarian and linguistic differences have been the site of intense contestation and conflict and have contributed to political and societal instability, polarization and ethnic cleavages and human insecurity. These conflicts have taken a heavy toll of human lives in the Arab countries. The report notes that ethnic conflicts often stem from skewed access to political power or wealth, from the absence of channels for political representation and participation, from the suppression of cultural and linguistic diversity, and from the exclusion, deprivation and marginalization of certain sections of society.

Though most Arab states have acceded to the major international charters pertaining to human rights, the obligation is more honoured in the breach than in the observance. The report notes that six Arab countries continue to prohibit the formation of political parties. The repression and restrictions on the establishment and functioning of political parties, particularly opposition parties, is very common across the Arab world. Civil society institutions in the Arab region generally bear the brunt of severe control and restrictions. In the wake of 9/11, most Arab states have passed anti-terror laws based on rather vague definitions of terrorism. This has given governments sweeping and unfettered powers to subject people to illegal detention and torture for undefined periods of time. Such anti-terror laws have failed to strike a balance between national security and the security and human rights of individuals. Violations of citizens’ human rights through the practices of illegal detention and torture are fairly common across the Arab region.

Though the constitutions of Arab states affirm the principle of judicial independence, it is severely undermined by the spread of state security courts and military courts and the increasing interference of the executive in the judicial sphere. Consequently, there is an evident chasm between the constitutional guarantee of human rights and the security of individual citizens and actual legal practice (pp. 58-60). A reassuring feature of the legal scenario in the Arab world is that there is a relatively low incidence of violent crimes. Statistics from 2002 indicate that the region had the lowest police-recorded homicide and assault rate in the world.

All Arab heads of states wield absolute authority and are not accountable to anyone. Security agencies account only to the head of the state and their powers are buttressed by the interference of the executive with the independence of the judiciary and by the muzzling of the media. While the state is expected to guarantee human security, it has actually been a source of threat to it in several Arab countries.

In the wake of 9/11, most Arab states have passed anti-terror laws based on rather vague definitions of terrorism. This has given governments sweeping and unfettered powers to subject people to illegal detention and torture for undefined periods of time. Such anti-terror laws have failed to strike a balance between national security and the security and human rights of individuals. Violations of citizens’ human rights through the practices of illegal detention and torture are fairly common across the Arab region.

The marginalized and subordinated groups in the Arab countries, including women, child soldiers, refugees and victims of human trafficking, are denied the rights and benefits of human security. By and large, Arab women continue to remain victims of institutionalized discrimination, social subordination, violence and deeply entrenched male domination. Several horrifying practices such as female genital mutilations and child marriages are still rampant in many Arab countries. The report points out that though some Arab states have banned the practice of female genital mutilations, it continues to be widespread in many Arab societies because it is supported and reinforced by traditional beliefs (pp. 80-81).

Several studies indicate that early marriages and teenage pregnancies pose a serious threat to the health of mothers and new-born babies. Furthermore, early marriages often result in divorce, family breakdown and poor child rearing. Arab countries have yet to adopt laws prohibiting child marriage before the age of 18. Although child marriages are on the decline in many Arab countries, the practice is still widespread. Based on the available data in the period 1987-2006, UNICEF estimates that the proportions of women aged 20-24 that were married by the age of 18 were 45 per cent in Somalia, 37 per cent in Yemen and Mauritania, 30 per cent in Comoros and 27 per cent in Sudan.

The report reveals that human trafficking, which is a multi-billion dollar transnational industry, is spreading its pernicious tentacles across large parts of the Arab world. Human trafficking involves many dimensions, including forced labour under dehumanizing conditions and with no respect for labour rights, sexual exploitation of women, especially maidservants, domestic service and the employment of children as beggars or camel jockeys or for sexual abuse or for war (pp. 87-88).

In Sudan and Somalia it is quite common to recruit children in the armed forces.

One of the gravest problems faced by the Arab countries is forced migration, which has a serious bearing on the issue of human security. There were an estimated 7.5 million refugees in the Arab countries in 2008, representing 46.8 per cent of the 16 million global refugees registered under the United Nations High Commission for Refugees and the UN Relief and Works Agency. The largest number of these refugees, mostly Palestinians and Iraqis, is found in Jordan, Syria and the Occupied Palestinian Territory (p. 94). Internally displaced persons in the Arab countries are more widespread geographically than refugees and constitute about 9.8 million. Sudan alone accounts for up to 5.8 million internally displaced persons. Such persons are faced with loss of livelihood, status, families and roots.

The report points out that the projection of oil wealth in the Arab countries presents a misleading picture of their economic situation. It notes that the process of oil-led growth in the Arab countries has been highly erratic, lopsided and vulnerable and has created weak structural foundations in Arab economies. A major sign of the vulnerability of economic growth in the Arab world is its high volatility, largely as a result of its linkage with capricious oil markets. The turbulence and volatility of economic growth in the region is reflected in the high growth in the 1970s, economic stagnation through the 1980s and extraordinary growth in the early 2000s. A steep fall in oil prices during the 1980s led to a halving of Saudi Arabia’s GDP. Countries like Kuwait experienced negative economic growth when the GDP declined to around 18 per cent in 1981-1982. World Bank data show real GDP per capita in the Arab countries grew by a mere 6.4 per cent per annum over the entire 24 year period from 1980 to 2004 (by less than 0.5 per cent annually). Most Arab countries have experienced significant deindustrialization over the last four decades. In fact, the Arab countries were less industrialized in 2007 than in 1970, almost four decades ago (p. 103).

Though unemployment rates vary considerably in individual Arab countries, youth unemployment is a serious challenge common to many Arab countries. Overall, the unemployment rate among the young in the Arab countries is nearly double than in the world at large. Unemployment rates for Arab women are among the highest in the world (pp. 108-109).

As a result of the erratic nature of oil-led growth, many Arab countries are turning into increasingly import-oriented and service-based economies. This trend has adversely affected agriculture, manufacturing and industrial production. The current plunge in oil prices is likely to undermine growth and development in the Arab countries and cause further volatility. All of the major oil-producing Arab countries have substantial holdings in the United States and other Western countries and are not able to disentangle their economies from the current global recession.

Unemployment is a major source of economic insecurity in the Arab world. Data from the Arab Labour Organisation (ALO) show that in 2005 the overall average unemployment rate for the Arab countries was about 14.4 per cent of the labour force, compared to 6.3 per cent for the world at large. Though unemployment rates vary considerably in individual Arab countries, youth unemployment is a serious challenge common to many Arab countries. Overall, the unemployment rate among the young in the Arab countries is nearly double than in the world at large. Unemployment rates for Arab women are among the highest in the world (pp. 108-109). A major challenge in the coming years will be creating about 51 million new jobs, mostly to absorb young people, by 2020

The report considers economic insecurity associated with poverty from two interrelated perspectives: income poverty and human poverty. Income poverty is defined in terms of people’s enjoyment of goods and services, represented in real per capita consumption expenditure. Income poverty takes into account both the international poverty line at $2 a day and national poverty lines. Human poverty, on the other hand, is defined by income as well as by other significant dimensions of life, such as education, health and political freedom. In 2005, about 20.3 per cent of the Arab population was living below $2 a day and about 34.6 million Arabs were living in extreme poverty. However, according to national poverty lines, the overall poverty rate in the Arab world ranges from 59.5 per cent in Yemen and about 40 per cent in Egypt to 28.6--30 per cent in Lebanon and Syria.

The report reckons that the overall poverty line in the Arab region is 39.9 per cent and that the number of Arabs living in poverty could be as high as 65 million or about 20 per cent of the population. In Somalia alone five million people live in poverty (p. 180). Income poverty, and the insecurity associated with it, is more widespread in the rural areas. Human poverty, as reflected in the deprivation of capabilities and opportunities, is far more widespread in the Arab countries than income poverty (pp. 112-115).

The report reveals that in most Arab countries, inequalities and social exclusion have increased over the past two decades.

The report reckons that the overall poverty line in the Arab region is 39.9 per cent and that the number of Arabs living in poverty could be as high as 65 million or about 20 per cent of the population. In Somalia alone five million people live in poverty (p. 180). Income poverty, and the insecurity associated with it, is more widespread in the rural areas. Human poverty, as reflected in the deprivation of capabilities and opportunities, is far more widespread in the Arab countries than income poverty (pp. 112-115).

The report points out that despite its abundant natural resources, the Arab countries are faced with a rise in hunger and malnutrition. According to Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) figures, the Arab countries have a low ratio of undernourished people to the total population. Yet it is one of two world’s regions, the other being sub-Saharan Africa, where the number of undernourished people has risen since the beginning of the 1990s—from about 19.8 million in 1990-1992 to 25.5 million in 2002-2004 (pp. 123-124). Paradoxically, malnutrition is on the rise in some Arab countries, obesity is also an increasing health risk in the region. Obesity contributes to such chronic illnesses as diabetes, high blood pressure, coronary arterial diseases, degenerative joint diseases, psychological illnesses and some types of cancer. These ailments are steadily rising in Arab countries.

The report notes that the main direct causes of hunger in the Arab world are poverty, foreign occupation, domestic conflict and economic policies for dealing with globalisation.

Yet it is one of two world’s regions, the other being sub-Saharan Africa, where the number of undernourished people has risen since the beginning of the 1990s—from about 19.8 million in 1990-1992 to 25.5 million in 2002-2004 (pp. 123-124).

While life expectancy in the Arab countries increased and child mortality declined between 2000 and 2005, other health indicators stagnated. Generally, Arab health systems do not recognize the role of such factors as the quality and coverage of education, women’s empowerment and social and economic justice. They fail to address the bearing of such variables as gender, social class, ethnicity and identity on health and human security. Some Arab countries have high technology hospitals that provide expensive state-of-the-art treatment to patients, but their benefits are confined to a small minority of wealthy people. Public healthcare systems are either conspicuously absent or grossly inadequate. The government expenditure on healthcare is highly inadequate in many Arab countries. Arab countries suffer a high rate of ‘brain drain’ among doctors and other health professionals (p. 148).

Situations of occupation, conflict and military intervention in Iraq, Palestine and Somalia pose a serious threat to people’s lives, freedom, livelihoods, education and health. The report focuses on the bearing of these factors on human security with reference to the American-led occupation of Iraq, Israel’s continuing hold on Occupied Palestinian Territory and the plight of people in Somalia. The report notes that standards of living in Iraq are still lower than they were before the US-led invasion of the country (p. 176). Occupation and military interventions lead to the forced displacement of people across borders, creating humanitarian challenges, and stoke violence and destruction. The report points out that some Arab countries use national security as a pretext for halting or postponing democratization and for prolonging oppressive rule.

Self-introspection is as essential and beneficial for collectivities and societies as for individuals. Caliph Umar is reported to have said, “Take stock of your life and actions before you are asked to render an account of your deeds (on the Day of Judgement)”. Self-introspection is a necessary prerequisite for reform and self-correction. In order to be effective, self-introspection should be preceded by a realistic and objective understanding and analysis of a given situation and of the relevant issues. The Arab Human Development Report 2009, as well as the previous reports, offers a comprehensive framework for self-introspection and self-correction in the context of Arab societies.

A notable feature of the Arab Human Development Report 2009 is that it presents a comprehensive, objective and balanced picture of human security in the Arab region. It not only contains a scathing critique of the evident failures of Arab states but also takes into cognizance the positive, creditable developments that have taken place in the region in recent years. It notes, for example, that Arab states are on track for improving maternal health and achieving the Millennium Development Goal 5, which aims at the reduction of maternal mortality ratio by three quarters between 1990 and 2015 (p. 151). The report is also infused with a deep concern for the wellbeing of Arab people. Accordingly, it offers a whole set of wide-ranging suggestions and recommendations for rectifying the situation and bringing about positive changes, for the consideration of Arab governments, planners and policy makers, civil society organizations and think tanks. The report avoids giving in to cynicism and despair, and carries a healthy dose of optimism based on the possibility of human intervention. It rightly emphasizes that reform from within remains the first and best hope for human security in Arab countries (p. 76).

The report suggests that Arab nations must move from a dependence on oil, which accounts for more than 70 per cent of the region’s exports, to a more diversified, knowledge-based economy that provides employment opportunities for tens of millions of Arab youth. The Arab nations may profitably draw some lessons from the example of Brunei, a tiny kingdom in South-east Asia, which is among the world’s top 30 richest nations. Crude oil accounts for almost two-thirds of the country’s export revenue. Worried over the state of the economy after its hydrocarbon reserves run out after two decades, Brunei has started working out a long-term plan for the future.

Currently, the energy sector accounts for 94% of government revenue, 96% of exports, 74% of investment and 69% of GDP. In the next three decades, Brunei’s oil reserves and natural gas resources will be exhausted. In January 2008 the government unveiled its first long-term national development plan called Wawasan Brunei 2035 (Vision Brunei 2035). It focuses on the need to explore a sustainable path for the non-oil economy. The plan also aims at elevating the kingdom into the ranks of the top 10 nations in the world in terms of GDP per head by 2035. The plan focuses on information technology, incentives to small businesses and investment in petrochemical production and other industries. The government also hopes to develop tourism and is targeting a 50% increase in tourism-related employment by 2010. The government also plans to promote industrial investment in non-energy sectors. The Brunei Economic Development Board (BEDB), in addition to focusing on business development schemes, is also devoting attention to promoting Islamic businesses from halal food production to Islamic finance.

The Arab Human Development Report 2009 calls for enacting and enforcing laws to protect the environment, changing laws, cultural practices and attitudes that discriminate against women, stepping up efforts to alleviate hunger and malnutrition, and expanding access to affordable, quality healthcare. It emphasizes that policy makers and planners in the Arab region need to focus on revamping education to close skill gaps, respond to labour market signals and stimulate knowledge-based capabilities matching opportunities in the global as well as regional economy. The report cites certain examples from non-Arab countries, such as Brazil and Mexico, in order to illustrate the long-term benefits from initiatives for alleviating poverty and urges Arab countries to learn from the experiences of such countries. Significantly, the report calls for a rethinking of the myopic, growth-oriented model of economic development that has been blindly followed by most Arab countries and emphasizes the need for an alternative Arab model of development.

The report deserves to be widely discussed and debated by Arab and Islamic organizations such as the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Conference, civil society organizations, universities and think tanks and the media in the Arab world. Additionally, there is a pressing need to bring out a comprehensive, empirically-based series of reports on Human Development in the Islamic World. The Arab Human Development Reports may well serve as a model in this ambitious but much-needed undertaking. The United Nations Development Programme may not be inclined to undertake such a project for reasons of its own, but an umbrella organization like the Organisation of Islamic Conference, in collaboration with leading Islamic organizations and think tanks across the Muslim world, can certainly shoulder this onerous but highly rewarding task.